Over the past week some readers have questioned the 'confined' or 'exclusive' focus of Catholics in the Public Square -- as they had done previusly with CatholicKerryWatch -- in judging the positions of Catholic candidates in relation to some moral issues (abortion, embryonic stem-cell research, same-sex marriage) rather than others (capital punishment, economic policy, the war in Iraq). This criticism was raised in commments on a recent post, and I would like to address it if I may.
"Liberal Catholic" blogger Jcecil believes that "Roman Catholics in America do not take the Vatican seriously on issues that have nothing to do with sex." If I understand him correctly, he is concerned that issues like "the death penalty and social justice issues" did not play a significant factor in determining how Catholics voted in this past election. Above all, he is concerned:
. . . why isn't much said in Catholic blogosphere about the heinous atrocity of Bush's unlitaral act of aggression and how it very clearly violates Church teaching on war?
Why wasn't serious consideration given to Catholics who chose to oppose Bush's war so strongly that they considered a vote for Kerry a viable moral option, depite being solidly pro-life?
Was it a lack of understanding of the Catholic tradition on the part of Kerry Catholics, or was it a lack of humility, avoiding rash judgment, and lack of listening on the part of Bush Catholics?
I can't speak on behalf of my co-editors on what degree the war had in influencing their vote, but whether the Church had in fact formally condemned it as immoral, and whether disagreement with the war in Iraq constituted sufficient grounds for voting for a "Catholic" candidate whose positions explicitly violated the Church's teachings on abortion, stem-cell research, human cloning, etc., I myself agree with Archbishop John Meyers of Newark, NJ ( "Pro-choice candidates and church teaching" Wall Street Journal Sept. 17, 2004):
". . . Certainly policies on welfare, national security, the war in Iraq, Social Security or taxes, taken singly or in any combination, do not provide a proportionate reason to vote for a pro-abortion candidate.
Consider, for example, the war in Iraq. Although Pope John Paul II pleaded for an alternative to the use of military force to meet the threat posed by Saddam Hussein, he did not bind the conscience of Catholics to agree with his judgment on the matter, nor did he say that it would be morally wrong for Catholic soldiers to participate in the war. In line with the teaching of the catechism on "just war," he recognized that a final judgment of prudence as to the necessity of military force rests with statesmen, not with ecclesiastical leaders. Catholics may, in good conscience, support the use of force in Iraq or oppose it.
Abortion and embryo-destructive research are different. They are intrinsic and grave evils; no Catholic may legitimately support them. In the context of contemporary American social life, abortion and embryo-destructive research are disproportionate evils. They are the gravest human rights abuses of our domestic politics and what slavery was to the time of Lincoln. Catholics are called by the Gospel of Life to protect the victims of these human rights abuses. They may not legitimately abandon the victims by supporting those who would further their victimization."
This would explain why my co-editors and I, while perhaps differing on the matter of the war in Iraq, give priority of attention to where Catholic legislators stand on the "non-negotiable" moral issues (as presented in Catholic Answers' 2004 Voters Guide for Serious Catholics).
* * *My reluctance to judge Catholic candidates and politicians with respect to economic issues in the context of this blog should not be construed as a lack of concern. I try to give serious consideration to the social and economic policies put forth by the parties and political candidates, and trust my co-editors do as well. We all have bills to pay and families to worry about. Naturally we're concerned about bringing home a paycheck, putting bread on the table, keeping a roof over our heads -- all of these issues matter, but we believe they should be placed in the proper context.
Archbishop Charles J. Chaput of Denver, one of the most vocal Catholic critics of "pro-choice" Catholic candidates in the 2004 presidential race, addresses this question of priorities in November's edition of Crisis: "The King's Good Servant: Some Thoughts at a Crossroad ":
The big picture depends on the small picture. No amount of good policy on immigration, or unemployment, or education, or housing, compensates for bad policy when it comes to deliberately killing the innocent -- beginning with the unborn. The right to life comes first. That's the priority. It's the foundation of every other right. Without it, every other right is built on sand.
Of course, if the right to life is the only issue Catholics focus on, that doesn't work either. In Genesis 9:5, God says, "From man, in regard to his fellow man, I will demand an accounting." James 2:15-17 says:
If a brother or sister is ill-clad and in lack of daily food, and one of you says to them, "Go in peace, be warmed and filled," without giving them the things needed for the body, what does it profit? So faith by itself, if it does not have works, is dead.
Faith without works is dead. We need to act on what we claim to believe. Vatican II teaches that "the political community exists . . . for the common good [that] embraces the sum total of all those conditions of social life which enable individuals, families and organizations to achieve complete and efficacious fulfillment" (Gaudem et Spes 74).
Catholics have the right and the obligation to demand that their public officials -- and their public policies -- should protect marriage and encourage family life; help the poor and homeless; promote economic justice both at home and abroad; and support the sick, the elderly, and children seeking a decent education. It's not enough to say, "Well, these are matters for private charity." Private charities in this country are already overwhelmed by the demand. For Catholics, it's completely proper for government to be involved in a serious way in solving these problems -- as long as the so-called solutions don't promote or allow killing the unborn and the weak.
It's an excellent essay and call for holiness among Catholics in private and public life, and this brief quotation doesn't do it a bit of justice -- so I would encourage you to read the whole thing.
* * *Finally, the problem with "social justice" is that the term itself is inherently ambiguous. When critics talk about the lack of attention to "social justice" by Catholics (or Catholic bloggers), one suspects that what they really mean a lack of identification with the social and economic prescriptions of the Democratic Party.
According to Michael Novak, this inherent and problematic ambiguity in the term "social justice" was addressed by the economic theorist Friedrich Hayek ("Defining Social Justice" First Things 108 December 2000):
. . . The minute one begins to define social justice, one runs into embarrassing intellectual difficulties. It becomes, most often, a term of art whose operational meaning is, "We need a law against that." In other words, it becomes an instrument of ideological intimidation, for the purpose of gaining the power of legal coercion.
Hayek points out another defect of twentieth-century theories of social justice. Most authors assert that they use it to designate a virtue (a moral virtue, by their account). But most of the descriptions they attach to it appertain to impersonal states of affairs -- "high unemployment" or "inequality of incomes" or "lack of a living wage" are cited as instances of "social injustice." Hayek goes to the heart of the matter: social justice is either a virtue or it is not. If it is, it can properly be ascribed only to the reflective and deliberate acts of individual persons. Most who use the term, however, ascribe it not to individuals but to social systems. They use "social justice" to denote a regulative principle of order; again, their focus is not virtue but power.
As Novak concludes (rightly, I think), that "social justice is a virtue, an attribute of individuals, or it is a fraud." As to the social doctrine of the Catholic Church, where it stands on economic issues and policies remains a topic heavily debated among Catholics on the right and left. We can agree on the evils of poverty and homelessness, but Republican, Democrat and "non-affiliated" Catholics will continue to debate the prescriptions, with all sides appealing to (and claiming to be guided by) Catholic principles.
It is precisely because there is ample room for perfectly legitimate debate on these topics that I tend not to address them, or include them among the "non-negotiables" as criteria in examining Catholic candidates on this blog.